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A Short Note on India-Japan Relations
For
decades until just a few years ago, the post-WWII Japanese looked at
India through American eyes. On their own too, they found independent
India’s economic policies, our deep, security-related ties with the
Soviet Union (later with Russia), and still later, Pokharan 1 and
Pokharan 2 difficult to understand.
However, in the late Nineties, the South Koreans came and in a
few years’ time did well in India in areas Japan
considered their specialities: Electronics, White Goods, and
Automobiles – the Japanese keep a wary eye on the “copy-cat”
Koreans and their aggressive style of doing business abroad. The
Japanese business interest, and thus the political interest, in India
was kindled by the reforms initiated in 1991 by the Congress
Government, and although it was under the BJP government that Pokhran
2 was ushered in, the outrage in Japan was noisy but not universal
because there were powerful LDP elements who secretly accepted
Pokharan 2 and all that it meant in geopolitical terms because Japan
was alarmed over Chinese nuclear and space advances, and also felt
that their country protested too much over India, while almost blessed
China for their bombs.
And of course, there was this wake-up call by the Koreans. The
Japanese business lobby that substantially finances and influences
Japanese politics wanted wider and closer relations with India. The
problem, however, was the very pro-America Foreign Office of Japan,
and the un-enterprising Ministry of External Affairs Ministry of
India. The 1962 Chinese excursions into India had induced India into a
sort of Don’t Look East
Policy.
The unfamiliar language, the Kanji script, the cultural sophistication
and rigidities, Sushi & Sashimi etc contributed to Indian
unfamiliarity with the Japanese. Nevertheless, there were some lay
Indians, who believed in India-Japan friendship and collaboration, and
worked ceaselessly, and intelligently to bring Japan closer to India.
Giving all this a boost in the last 4/5 years are young idealists in
the Japanese Foreign Office, in the Democratic Party of Japan* and
importantly, in the forever-ruling Liberal Democratic Party. IT, our huge middle class, the vast potential for development and for building infrastructure now impresses the Japanese. Simultaneously, they are becoming unsure of the long-term reliability and sustainability of the American security umbrella. Fearful of China for its economic and military power, the totalitarian character of the Chinese State, and also offended by what they consider Chinese ungratefulness for all the hundreds of billions of dollars they have poured in that country, the Japanese now see India as an ally. They see no possible conflict with a powerful India. Japanese Prime Minister Yoshiro Mori saw not only no conflict but an area for Global Partnership - a theme he propounded with passion and conviction during his official visit to India. Elements in LDP, and importantly, the India Center in Tokyo, a private Think Tank, played a vital role, as acknowledged by Mr Mori himself, during that August 2000 visit to India. Mr Mori continues to be an influencial senior faction leader in LDP, and is heard with great regard by the Kozumi Government. India needs to keep in touch, and consult with Mr Mori, from time to time. In
midst of all this, there is Mr Shinzo Abe, a true friend of India, the
grandson of the still-fondly-remembered post-war Prime Minister
Nobusuke Kishi; Abe’s father, Shintaro Abe, was for years the
Japanese Foreign Minister. At just 51, a gentleman politician, a
charmer, a realist and a path breaker, Mr Abe is a big influence in
LPD and the Japanese Government for the past 5/6 years, and is sure to
be the Prime Minister of Japan in the next 15/18 months, having been
already so anointed – to the extent possible in a democracy - by
Premier Kozumi (well disposed toward India, but not an activist for
India, however), and by the public in polls. Mr Abe will be on the
Japanese political scene for 2 decades to come – he is young and has
a vast circle of friends and admirers in politics,
bureaucracy and business – his present
popularity in the public surpasses that of Mr Kozumi. In Japan
today, there are 7/8 political leaders allied to India, and in the Abe
Camp. India needs to court them.
Hundreds of prominent Japanese businessmen visualise a
destination in India. India needs to give them a road map, a pep talk,
now and then. In
this scenario, India has to respond. Our Prime Minster’s visit to
Japan, in this context, is very important. (They will embrace him –
just as they had embraced Germany’s Ludwig
Erhard, a former bureacrat, in the Fifties and the Sixties, first
as the Economics Minister, and later as Chancellor – they are
fascinated with bureaucrats turned leaders who facilitate
wealth creation for their nations!) It is also important that we have
a clear idea of what we want from Japan – Japan has the capacity and
also the need for Indian business in giant projects and undertakings.
There is great scope of technology transfer. With the growing
importance India receives in the world today, we need vast resources
to address our poverty at home which must be redressed; committed
friends abroad. Japan offers those.
For large investments outside their country, Japan is looking
for dependable, stable destinations. India offers that. In the event, India needs a dedicated Government-sponsored and populated body in India to deal with Japan. Japan will promptly do like-wise. Above all, India needs an able, farsighted, agreeable Ambassador in Tokyo. The present Ambassador, Mr Tripathi, is about to retire. The best replacement I can think of is......................; he knows Japan, has served there, visualises the opportunities close India-Japan collaboration offer, and has talked about them with conviction and knowledge. An unsuitable person replacing Tripathi will not be good for India or for Japan, and the South Block abouns in them. I
write this as an Indian friend of Japan, who has, in the past, devoted
much time and effort toward bringing the two countries together, and
who knows what can help most in that direction.
Nice,
5 February 2006 ---------------------------- |